Congo's Quest

Congo's Quest for Liberation Continues
By Bahati Ntama Jacques and Beth Tuckey, June 30, 2010

Congo has long been the focus of resource exploitation. The first era of colonization in Africa, beginning in the mid-1880s, was most pronounced in this central African country. Belgium's King Leopold brutalized the population in his quest for rubber and riches, leaving a legacy of natural resource exploitation by white Europeans in the heart of Africa.

Today, at the 50th anniversary of Congo's independence, the country continues to be a source of wealth for the world, yet the Congolese people live in poverty. Like many African nations, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is suffering under this new era of neocolonialism, where natural resources belong not to those who live on the land but to those with power and access to global markets.

The pursuit of true independence and liberation in Congo will continue until foreign nations cease their policies of exploitation.

History of Violence

When Patrice Lumumba began agitating for independence in early 1960, there was great hope that Congolese people would benefit from the resources of their land, lifting the country out of poverty and into an era of prosperity. Instead, after nearly three months in office as Congo's first elected prime minister, Lumumba was deposed in a coup and four months later killed in a plot orchestrated by the Belgian government with the complicity of the United States. Mobutu Sese Seko, a staunch opponent of communism, took power in a CIA-backed coup and became one of Africa's most brutal dictators. He drove Congo — which he named Zaire — into ruin.

In 1996, Rwanda and Uganda invaded Congo and forced Mobutu to flee, while a new leader, Laurent Kabila, rose to power. Since then, eastern Congo has been mired in conflict, overrun by rebel groups and government militias, each of which seeks control of Congo's vast wealth. It's estimated that between 1998 and 2007, 5.4 million people died in DRC as a direct or indirect result of conflict. Meanwhile, the world has come to depend on minerals such as tungsten, tin, and coltan, used in electronics and sophisticated weaponry, which come primarily from the Congo. Western love for the Congo has always been for its resources, never its people, which explains the lack of any genuine interest in helping to build Congo's state capacity. 

Lack of transparency or regulation in the mining industry in Congo makes it nearly impossible to prevent the sale of conflict minerals in electronic products. And although many companies have expressed interest in disclosing their supply chain information, tracing which minerals come from the conflict zone in eastern Congo remains a significant challenge.

In the 110th session of Congress, Rep. Jim McDermott (D-WA) introduced the Conflict Minerals Trade Act "to improve transparency and reduce trade in conflict minerals," and Sen. Samuel Brownback (R-KS) introduced the companion Senate legislation "to require annual disclosure to the Securities and Exchange Commission of activities involving columbite-tantalite, cassiterite, and wolframite from the Democratic Republic of Congo." Also in May, Brownback was able to attach a related amendment into the Restoring American Financial Stability Act of 2010, which passed the Senate and is being reconciled with the House version of financial reform. While an admirable start considering the inadequate U.S. government attention paid to Congo, such legislation is only a small part of a more holistic policy shift needed to address the economic colonization of DRC.

America: Part of the Problem?

The United States can do much more to promote true security and prosperity in Congo.  However, time and time again the United States has been part of the problem. In 2008, the United States was among a group of nations that negotiated the premature and hasty integration of former rebel forces of the Rwanda-backed rebel group, the National Council for the Defense of the People (CNDP) into the Congolese national army. These Rwandan troops, as part of the national army, today represent a serious threat to sustainable peace in eastern Congo.

Meanwhile, the U.S.-Rwanda relationship continues to be very problematic as far as peace and stability in Congo is concerned. From 2000 to 2009, the United States provided $1.034 billion to Rwanda when its government was occupying large territories in Congo and plundering Congolese resources. While Washington argues that it never intended to aid the Rwandan invasion in the Congo, U.S. financial support possibly helped the Rwandan government secure money within its budget to wage the deadly war. 

As a senator, Barack Obama introduced legislation, ultimately signed into law in 2006 by President George W. Bush, that requires the U.S. Secretary of State to "withhold assistance made available under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961…other than humanitarian, peacekeeping, and counterterrorism assistance, for a foreign country if the Secretary determines that the government of the foreign country is taking actions to destabilize the Democratic Republic of the Congo."

But it wasn't the United States, ironically, that took action. Sweden and the Netherlands, after looking at the evidence of Rwandan involvement in the conflict in the Congo made available by a UN panel of experts' report in 2008, threatened to withhold their financial support to Rwanda. This action, which drew international attention to the issue, held the Rwandan government accountable by requesting an immediate withdrawal of its troops from the Congo. Instead of following suit, the United States participated in the misleading and failed integration of former CNDP forces into the Congolese army. So far, the Obama administration shows no sign of implementing the legislation that Sen. Obama worked so hard to promote. The key to the U.S. relationship with Rwanda is rooted in access to Congo's resources. 

Congo as Heart

All governments must enact strict laws against the import of products that fuel conflict, use child labor, or otherwise support human rights violations in Africa. Companies should also be forced to pay fines and reparations to communities they have damaged in the creation of their goods.

But at the same time, and equally as important, governments must work to engage Africa in the global economy in a way that encourages human security. Although coltan and tungsten fuel deadly conflict in eastern Congo, they also provide local people with jobs and some means of income. The Congolese government, with the support of the international community, should ensure that those local people reap the true benefits of their labor, which requires strict attention to worker's rights. In this way, Congo and the outside world can partner to advance resource sovereignty and local ownership.

 

Congo is the heart of Africa. Yet, after 50 years of political independence, it still does not beat on its own. Nor does it sustain the health of other African counties. Lumumba once famously said, "free and liberated people from every corner of the world will always be found at the side of the Congolese." The liberation of Congo — which is a key part of the liberation of all of Africa — requires that people in countries that profit from Congo's wealth stand in solidarity with those who rightfully own it. That means, most importantly, taking action as citizens and pushing governments to create more responsible policies toward central Africa regarding the use of its natural resources.

Lumumba's Independence Day Speech 1960

LE DISCOURS DE LUMUMBA LE 30 JUIN 1960:

LA JOURNÉE DU 30 JUIN DISCOURS DE PATRICE LUMUMBA, PREMIER MINISTRE

Congolais et Congolaises, Combattants de l’indépendance aujourd’hui victorieux, Je vous
salue au nom du gouvernement congolais, A vous tous, mes amis, qui avez lutté sans
relâche à nos côtés, je vous demande de faire de ce 30 juin 1960 une date illustre que
vous garderez ineffaçablement gravée dans vos cœurs, une date dont vous enseignerez avec
fierté la signification à vos enfants, pour que ceux-ci à leur tour fassent connaître à
leurs fils et à leurs petits-fils l’histoire glorieuse de notre lutte pour la liberté.
Car cette indépendance du Congo, si elle est proclamée aujourd’hui dans l’entente avec la
Belgique, pays ami avec qui nous traitons d’égal à égal, nul Congolais digne de ce nom ne
pourra jamais oublier cependant que c’est par la lutte qu’elle a été conquise
(applaudissements), une lutte de tous les jours, une lutte ardente et idéaliste, une
lutte dans laquelle nous n’avons ménagé ni nos forces, ni nos privations, ni nos
souffrances, ni notre sang. Cette lutte, qui fut de larmes, de feu et de sang, nous en
sommes fiers jusqu’au plus profond de nous-mêmes, car ce fut une lutte noble et juste,
une lutte indispensable pour mettre fin à l’humiliant esclavage qui nous était imposé par
la force.

Ce que fut notre sort en 80 ans de régime colonialiste, nos blessures sont trop fraîches
et trop douloureuses encore pour que nous puissions les chasser de notre mémoire. Nous
avons connu le travail harassant, exigé en échange de salaires qui ne nous permettaient
ni de manger à notre faim, ni de nous vêtir ou nous loger décemment, ni d’élever nos
enfants comme des êtres chers. Nous avons connu les ironies, les insultes, les coups que
nous devions subir matin, midi et soir, parce que nous étions des nègres. Qui oubliera
qu’à un noir on disait "tu", non certes comme à un ami, mais parce que le
"vous" honorable était réservé aux seuls blancs? Nous avons connu que nos
terres furent spoliées au nom de textes prétendument légaux qui ne faisaient que
reconnaître le droit du plus fort.

Nous avons connu que la loi n’était jamais la même selon qu’il s’agissait d’un blanc ou
d’un noir: accommodante pour les uns, cruelle et inhumaine pour les autres. Nous avons
connu les souffrances atroces des relégués pour opinions politiques ou croyances
religieuses; exilés dans leur propre patrie, leur sort était vraiment pire que la mort
elle-même. Nous avons connu qu’il y avait dans les villes des maisons magnifiques pour
les blancs et des paillotes croulantes pour les noirs, qu’un noir n’était admis ni dans
les cinémas, ni dans les restaurants, ni dans les magasins dit européens; qu’un noir
voyageait à même la coque des péniches, aux pieds du blanc dans sa cabine de luxe.

Qui oubliera enfin les fusillades où périrent tant de nos frères, les cachots où furent
brutalement jetés ceux qui ne voulaient plus se soumettre au régime d’une justice
d’oppression et d’exploitation (applaudissements) (1).

Tout cela, mes frères, nous en avons profondément souffert. Mais tout cela aussi, nous
que le vote de vos représentants élus a agréés pour diriger notre cher pays, nous qui
avons souffert dans notre corps et dans notre cœur de l’oppression colonialiste, nous
vous le disons tout haut, tout cela est désormais fini. La République du Congo a été
proclamée et notre pays est maintenant entre les mains de ses propres enfants. Ensemble,
mes frères, mes sœurs, nous allons commencer une nouvelle lutte, une lutte sublime qui va
mener notre pays à la paix, à la prospérité et à la grandeur. Nous allons établir
ensemble la justice sociale et assurer que chacun reçoive la juste rémunération de son
travail (applaudissements).

Nous allons montrer au monde ce que peut faire l’homme noir quand il travaille dans la
liberté et nous allons faire du Congo le centre de rayonnement de l’Afrique tout entière.
Nous allons veiller à ce que les terres de notre patrie profitent véritablement à ses
enfants. Nous allons revoir toutes les lois d’autrefois et en faire de nouvelles qui
seront justes et nobles. Nous allons mettre fin à l’oppression de la pensée libre et
faire en sorte que tous les citoyens jouissent pleinement des libertés fondamentales
prévues dans la déclaration des Droits de l’Homme (applaudissements). Nous allons
supprimer efficacement toute discrimination quelle qu’elle soit et donner à chacun la
juste place que lui vaudra sa dignité humaine, son travail et son dévouement au pays.
Nous allons faire régner non pas la paix des fusils et des baïonnettes, mais la paix des
cœurs et des bonnes volontés (applaudissements).

Et pour tout cela, chers compatriotes, soyez sûrs que nous pourrons compter non seulement
sur nos forces énormes et nos richesses immenses, mais sur l’assistance de nombreux pays
étrangers dont nous accepterons la collaboration chaque fois qu’elle sera loyale et ne
cherchera pas à nous imposer une politique quelle qu’elle soit (applaudissements). Dans
ce domaine, la Belgique qui, comprenant enfin le sens de l’histoire, n’a pas essayé de
s’opposer à notre indépendance, est prête à nous accorder son aide et son amitié, et un
traité vient d’être signé dans ce sens entre nos deux pays égaux et indépendants. Cette
coopération, j’en suis sûr, sera profitable aux deux pays.

De notre côté, tout en restant vigilants, nous saurons respecter les engagements
librement consentis. Ainsi, tant à l’intérieur qu’à l’extérieur, le Congo nouveau, notre
chère République que mon gouvernement va créer, sera un pays riche, libre et prospère.
Mais pour que nous arrivions sans retard à ce but, vous tous, législateurs et citoyens
congolais, je vous demande de m’aider de toutes vos forces. Je vous demande à tous
d’oublier les querelles tribales qui nous épuisent et risquent de nous faire mépriser à
l’étranger. Je demande à la minorité parlementaire d’aider mon gouvernement par une
opposition constructive et de rester strictement dans les voies légales et démocratiques.
Je vous demande à tous de ne reculer devant aucun sacrifice pour assurer la réussite de
notre grandiose entreprise. Je vous demande enfin de respecter inconditionnellement la
vie et les biens de vos concitoyens et des étrangers établis dans notre pays. Si la
conduite de ces étrangers laisse à désirer, notre justice sera prompte à les expulser du
territoire de la République; si par contre leur conduite est bonne, il faut les laisser
en paix, car eux aussi travaillent à la prospérité de notre pays. L’indépendance du Congo
marque un pas décisif vers la libération de tout le continent africain
(applaudissements).

Voilà, Sire, Excellences, Mesdames, Messieurs, mes chers compatriotes, mes frères de
race, mes frères de lutte, ce que j’ai voulu vous dire au nom du gouvernement en ce jour
magnifique de notre indépendance complète et souveraine (applaudissements). Notre
gouvernement fort, national, populaire, sera le salut de ce pays. J’invite tous les
citoyens congolais, hommes, femmes et enfants, à se mettre résolument au travail en vue
de créer une économie nationale prospère qui consacrera notre indépendance économique.

Hommage aux combattants de la liberté nationale ! Vice l’indépendance de l’Unité
africaine! Vive le Congo indépendant et souverain! (Applaudissements prolongés).

As the UN leaves Issues Arise

A state-within-a-state controlled by former Congolse-Tutsi rebels, is emerging in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo once controlled by the Hutu perpetrators of the 1994 Rwanda genocide, raising the chances of renewed violence in the Great Lakes region.
The mini state now run by former rebels of Congolese-Tutsi known as the CNDP collect taxes, appoint local officials and man border posts. A flag now wavers from atop a hill signifying self-government.

According to reports, the CNDP have allowed at least 60,000 people across the border from Rwanda in recent months leading residents in the region to describe the situation as an invasion by Rwanda.

"The situation is explosive in Masisi [one of the districts under the new flag]. I am not really optimistic that this can be resolved without conflict,” Vice president of the provincial assembly based in Goma, Jean Baumbiliya Kisoloni said.

The provincial coordinator of the National Commission for Refugees, Laingulia Njewa, told news reporters that many of the newcomers might be not refugees but rather economic migrants, abandoning their tiny, overpopulated state in search of, literally, greener pastures. United Nations officials, legislators and traditional chiefs are already forming pacification committees to try and resolve the rising tensions.

Refugees International (RI) revealed that people from Rwanda are "attempting to pass themselves off as Congolese refugee returnees and arriving to areas under the protection of the CNDP, adding to the frictions that are rising." In a manifesto published after his 2009 capture, former CNDP leader Laurent Nkunda said that without colonization, today’s Congo would not exist and his Congolese home district would be part of Rwanda.

The RI report also found that large farms are being established in the area through heavy taxation and threats of violence to drive out land owners. It also said there were reports of armed herders in Masisi serving as a militia.

After the 1994 genocide, Hutu extremists fled to east Congo and took control of Masisi, the land now in dispute. The over 54,000 Congolese Tutsis in Masisi at the time fled to Rwanda because Masisi was to be declared a "Hutuland."

The Congolese government had failed to facilitate the return of the Congolese Tutsis who were forced to flee Masisi into Rwanda. According to experts, this failure led to the formation of a Congolese Tutsi rebellion known as the CNDP, who wanted their parents to return to Masisi from Rwanda. The rebellion led by General Laurent Nkunda eventually reclaimed Masisi. The CNDP tripled the size of Masisi to include lucrative mines and tens of thousands of acres of land.

"What’s going on here now [in Masisi] is boiling under the surface, a calm before the storm, and when it explodes ...," Camilla Olson of Refugees International was quoted by AFP.

Congolese Tutsi rebel leader, Gen. Nkunda was arrested in 2009 and a peace agreement was signed between Rwanda and Congo. But The CNDP says it will not dismantle its "parallel administration" until the Congolese government fulfills its part of the peace accord by organizing the return of the refugees and giving Congolese Tutsis positions in the government.

The U.N. refugee agency has taken names of thousands of new arrivals from Rwanda but is unable to match them to names of refugees registered in Rwandan camps, and has vowed to repatriate the 54,000 Congolese Tutsi refugees registered with the U.N. in Rwanda. Karl Steinacker of the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees has been unable to explain the origins of some "undocumented" people crossing from Rwanda.

Contribution from Scott Morgan and Afrik.com

DR Congo Suspends Police Chief

story from Al Jazeera Africa (http://english.aljazeera.net/news/africa/2010/06/201066151023866458.html)

The police chief in the Democratic Republic of Congo has been suspended, following the death of a human rights' activist.

Officials said on Sunday that the decision to suspend General John Numbi was taken to allow a deeper investigation into the incident.

The body of Floribert Chebeya Bahizire, head of Voice of the Voiceless, was found in his car on Wednesday in a suburb of the capital, Kinshasa.

"[Inspector-General] John Numbi was suspended so that the attorney-general can focus on his enquiries smoothly and make sure nothing gets in the way of the investigations," Daniel Lubo, an adviser at the interior ministry, told the Reuters news agency.

The rights group, one of the largest in the DRC, said Chebeya had been due to meet the police chief the night before his death.

The group also said he appeared to have been strangled. The driver of the car has not been found since contact was lost with Chebeya on Tuesday evening.

Several police officers, including Daniel Mukalay, head of the police special service, were arrested on Saturday in connection to the death.

More than 50 human rights groups, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have demanded an independent enquiry into the killing in an open letter to Joseph Kabila, the Congolese president.

Erwin van der Borght from Amnesty International said Chebeya had been arrested and threatened in the past.

"Threats and intimidation [are] unfortunately part of the working environment in which [rights activists in the DRC] have to operate," he told Al Jazeera.

"We certainly believe the Congolese authorities contribute to that hostile environment, either by the security forces' attitude towards human rights activists by regularly arresting them and intimidating them, but also by the statements made by government officials towards the work of human rights organisations."